View Sidebar

Post Tagged with: Capitalism

The Giving Season

The Giving Season

Note:  This was originally published in the Hypocrite Reader in September 2014.

Every morning Wentworth stakes out a corner of the Square because that’s where the out-of-towners congregate. He knows their patterns. With his pressed suit and slicked-back hair, clean shave and faint perfume, he gives these people exactly what they expect to see on the streets.

They idle by, each with a purpose. Men hunched over in dark jackets float around him like silent shadows on the wall. A woman in drooping rags pretends not to notice him there with his hand outstretched. His plight is obvious but they move on.

He tries different techniques. He holds a wad of cash in his hand, to show his generosity. He tries stacking the bills neatly in piles around his feet. He puts the big bills on top so they beg to be taken. He puts the small bills on top so he looks less desperate.

One time a child notices him presenting a solitary, crisp banknote in his manicured fingers. The child stops and outstretches his dirtier fingers to take what he desires. But his mother yanks him away with a rebuke. (At least Wentworth assumes it is his mother. He can never tell with these people.) They roll off with their shopping cart piled high with bags and old clothes and sandals. She steels her eyes forward.

The days go on, and sometimes Wentworth has some luck. Occasionally, he manages to give away some cash to a caring passerby or an older fellow. His clothes need constant replacement. His fingernails need constant trimming. Once in a while he does not go to the Square at all, but sits and weeps in the corner of his house, clutching his last remaining suitcase full of money. Every day the suitcase becomes lighter. Every day he walks a little quicker.

One winter evening he rests on a bench near his usual spot on the Square, and buttons his fur coat to the neck. The winds are whistling Christmas music. It is the giving season. He cannot remember the year.

The sound of rustling steps in snowdust catches his attention. He looks up to see several boys, seemingly restless with the slog of adolescence, approach him across the whitewashed plain. They drag heavy bags. Scraps of cloth hanging from their pants tickle the ground as they quickstep over. Tappity-tap, quicker and quicker, the soles of their shoes scrape the street as they snicker.

He has heard of such attacks, but they have never happened to him.

He doubles over as the first boy kicks him in the side. The other boys take turns on his stomach, his legs, his face. His nose is dripping blood on his pressed white shirt. His tie is ripped. His feet are swelling. One of the boys has a backpack that he has to lift with both hands as he brings it down onto Wentworth’s prostrate body. The bag bursts at the seams. The last thing Wentworth remembers is a shower of green money raining onto him. His eyes swell shut as the boys stuff the useless cash in his pockets, his pants, his collar, his mouth.

The next morning, he is awoken by the bells of the holiday carolers as they make their way ghostlike across the Square. They are speaking in hushed and excited tones. Wentworth peers through swollen slits at his pristine body ruined, his black and white turned green and dirty. He struggles to right himself as a wave of out-of-towners crests the hill and bustles past. They notice him but quickly avert their gaze and move on. He collects handfuls of green bills from his body. Some are covered in vomit. He stacks them all in neat piles. Then he exhales and pushes himself up on the icy ground. His corner on the Square beckons him only a few steps away.

He knows now he needs to start again. He needs a new suit and haircut and manicure and shower. He needs to put the money through the wash so it comes out clean. It will take a lot more work than before. But his corner is waiting. He will be back. After all, it is the giving season.

September 18, 2014Comments are DisabledRead More
Corporations Is People

Corporations Is People

We have all heard the phrase “corporations are people,” either stated in earnest as a reading of the law (corporations are people in that they are independent entities, pay taxes, have rights to due process, and of course, the right to free speech) or stated ironically as ammunition for our friends on the Left. But whereas that question is about the legal personhood of the corporate entity itself, I would like to discuss something else entirely: the oft-forgotten fact that a corporation is not a distinct entity but a team effort comprised of many individuals. In other words, “corporations are people,” and we would serve ourselves to understand this vital distinction.

So what is a corporation?

In a free society, corporations are voluntarily organized by and among a collective of individuals–investors, employees, volunteers, and customers–in order to pursue a common goal. If you look into any large corporation, you find nothing less than tens of thousands of real people, all on a team together. The goals of that team can be very different. At BP, the goal of the team is to explore, dig and extract new oil wells on the one hand and ship, refine, and distribute gasoline on the other. At Walmart, the goal of the team is to produce and purchase a variety of items so they can be sold at mass market prices in their retail stores. To take the opposite end of the corporate spectrum, the goal of the team at a hair salon is to make women beautiful.

In other words, corporations have no sentience on their own. This may seem blindingly obvious to anyone who has worked for a corporation of any size. Corporations are, first and foremost, collectives where people collaborate to perform labor in exchange for money, which is exactly what people as individuals do. Except in a corporations, people can be often more productive working as a team than they can alone. If someone takes a job with corporation instead of producing and selling a product all by themselves, it is often because they can earn more with their skills as part of a team than they can alone. And the more successful the team is at producing and selling a product, the larger, more specialized and more efficient the team becomes.

I am not suggesting that all the people who make up a corporation are equal, but merely that their incentives are aligned. Shareholders, for instance, have a much bigger stake in the corporation’s successes and failures than employees. But those employees benefit from greater corporate profits in the form of greater job security if not increased benefits and wages, and when corporations lose money, they are the first to suffer. The level of commitment and risk may vary among members of a corporate team, but that doesn’t mean that it’s any less of a team, for the same reason that a quarterback and a wide receiver have very different risks and rewards that come together for a common purpose.

And yet, everywhere you turn in politics today, there is an attempt to demonize and dehumanize corporations, to “make them pay” for whatever real or imagined harm they have inflicted, and in general, hold them responsible for the world’s ills. This trend is especially alarming in Europe, where hating on corporations is in vogue, and just yesterday Angela Merkel announced a G20 conference to tackle “corporate tax avoidance,” a particularly bad euphemism since it ascribes evil intent to a perfectly legal practice, encouraged by many G20 nations themselves. Corporations are routinely maligned as rapers of the environment, destroyers of wealth, vanguards of global destruction, and, of course, kingmakers behind elections. The American Left is particularly adept at these forms of accusations, although the right takes its toll in its own crusade against nonprofits like Planned Parenthood. And the Right is more prone to defending corporations, while corporations themselves deserve neither to be attacked or defended while sparing the individuals who make them up.

Why is it so easy to detatch corporations from the people who make them up?

I think for your run-of-the-mill politician on either the Right or the Left, it is politically popular to complain that “corporations are making record profits,” whereas it would be unpalatable for a politician to complain that individual tax-paying men and women are making too much money (not to mention complaining about the jobs that follow). When a politician says that an auto company should get a bailout, that is more persuasive than suggesting that tens of thousands of employees instead receive a welfare check directly from the government. It helps to be able to hold up certain corporations as “criminal,” but corporation can’t really commit a crime, only people can. Nothing is stopping us from going after criminal individuals who make up a corporation, and we should go after them just as we do anyone else committing a crime. Yet it is far easier for politicians to attack corporations as criminal rather than individuals.

So why do we continue to dehumanize corporations?

I think one of the biggest things to drive a wedge between people and corporations has been the corporate tax. Corporate taxes aren’t really corporate taxes at all, but are in reality taxes on the people that make up that corporation. If a corporation pays money in taxes, it must take that money from the corporation. If that money comes out of the pocket of shareholders, it is a tax on shareholders. If employees must earn less to cover the cost of the tax, then it is a tax on employees. If prices must go up to compensate for the tax, then it is a tax on consumers. The corporation as an entity has not paid anything, as it does not have any money of its own (much like the government doesn’t have any money of its own). Instead, the people who make up that corporation–the shareholder, the employee, and the consumer–have paid for it.

As it happens, we already impose these taxes separately: we tax shareholders for their holdings, tax employees for their income, and tax consumers for their spending. If we were to eliminate the corporate tax entirely, surely these taxes could be appropriated to the individuals from whose pockets the money came out of in the first place. But by taxing the corporate entity, we allow shareholders, employees and consumers alike to pretend that the corporation is an entity separate and apart from themselves. At the very least, the corporate taxes imposed offset the direct cost on the individual in the short term and lets the individual believe his money is safer than it would be without the corporate tax. This is an illusion, but a compelling one: we have let it drive us to raise taxes on corporations to the highest level of any country in the industrially advanced world.

Finally, I think one more major factor in creating a dehumanizing membrane around corporations is caused by corporations themselves: branding. Branding is, definitionally, creating a unified identity and persona behind a corporation. Through branding, corporations, subvert individual identity to the wisdom of the collective. Although corporations are collections of free people, the big ones present like unifaceted behemoths; ironically, the more people a corporation contains, the less human it appears. As consumers, we allow the branding of corporations to define our attitudes towards the work those corporations do, especially if we don’t approve of it. It is easier to rally against a logo that stands for a purpose rather than lash out at the indivdual actors, for the same reason it is easier to fire on an advancing enemy under one flag than it is to hunt urban guerillas. The corporation has proudly and intentionally presented its mission for all to see, and this makes its existence even the more offensive if their mission is distasteful. The fact that profit is the primary goal of the corporation is added salt in the wound. Never mind that profit, like taxes, doesn’t belong to the corporation at all, but belongs to the shareholders, employees and consumers of the corporation.

Let’s end anti-corporatism

Now, I think that it is generally true that people will ascribe a set with the actions and morals of a much smaller subset. It is generally true for racists who use the actions of a small minority of people to justify hatred of an entire group. It is true for misogynists who prefer to paint all women with the brush of a few bad ex girlfriends. And it is true for anti-corporatists, who feed on news like an oil spill or financial system collapse as evidence of the global evil of corporations. It would of course behoove the anti-corporatists to know that their prejudice towards corporations is usually based on the behavior of a small minority of corporations, usually in one or two industries. If pressed, they will of course not attack with the same vigor barber shops, restaurants, bodegas, hardware stores, bars, nightclubs, Hollywood movies, publishing houses, newspapers, coastal fishermen, travel agencies or farmers’ markets, which are all organized as corporations. Nor will they attack corporations established for an eleemosynary purpose: Churches, preschools, health clinics, hospitals, cancer research institutes, civil liberties organizations, or rotary clubs.

In addition, the anti-corporatist slant willfully ignores the unrelenting progress and prosperity we have experienced as a society using the corporation as a vehicle. It is not a coincidence that the formation of the first corporations in 17th century Holland (debatably the first, but certainly the first legally defined joint stock operations) coincide with the explosion in private capital investment, exploration, mass employment through international trade, and real distribution of wealth through wages that characterized the late mercantilist period, sowing the seeds (or tulip bulbs) for the industrial revolution. The reasons for this are complicated, but in short: the corporate vehicle allows private investors to protect their personal assets and take risks, while at the same time providing a legal structure for many people to work together in pursuance of common goals.

I’m not suggesting that corporations are victims, but just that our rampant anti-corporatism too easily misses the vital distinction between the corporation as a legal entity and the corporation as a living organism with real human beings as its working cells. We do not benefit when we deprive corporations of oxygen. We only benefit when the corporation is allowed to thrive as an organization of free people assembled to accomplish a common purpose.

February 16, 2013Comments are DisabledRead More
Why Government Spending is not the Answer

Why Government Spending is not the Answer

Since Obama just won (congrats btw), we have some time to accept that America just made a resounding endorsement of Keynesianism. This is not a good thing. I can only assume that most Americans don’t understand the danger of government spending, or that Mitt Romney was an exceptionally bad messenger for liberalization. The latter is certainly true; the former is probably mostly true. Excuse this post for its generalities, but what matters here are the concepts.

There are two main arguments against government spending.

The first argument is that governments tend to spend money much less efficiently than individuals do. To paraphrase Milton Friedman, very few people spend other people’s money better than they spend their own. There is an undeniable truth to this matter. Think about market efficiency with distributed buyers and sellers, all trying to maximize utility individually, as opposed to purchases made by consensus, whether it’s on textbooks or social spending like welfare. It is impossible for a consensus of buyers to maximize utility for all individuals in that group as effectively as each individual can maximize utility for him/herself. The sellers of whatever it is being purchased only have to sell to one customer, which greatly lowers their incentive to create a consistently good product. Especially if that one customer comes with an exclusive contract, and you can create political pressure to keep the customer if jobs are at stake.

So whereas the money might very well end up in the pockets of contractors who hire workers and create jobs, these jobs don’t necessarily have to be productive. It was Keynes who gave the example of the government paying people to dig holes and fill them up. Certainly, this would be government spending that created jobs, but would it be good for the economy? If you take a labor theory of value, that the wealth of a society is the sum value of the goods and services the society produces, then that isn’t the case. It is also apparent from a historical perspective that command economies are far outperformed by free ones. People simply work harder and produce more if they are working for themselves and not for others. This generates more value which generates more wealth which generates more growth, prosperity, and jobs.

The second argument against government spending is that there really is no such thing as government spending. The government doesn’t have any money on its own; it only has money that it borrows through debt, raises in taxes, or creates via inflation. For the government to spend money in the economy, it needs to get money from the economy. No additional value is created; the cycle is only perpetuated. Frederic Bastiat, who developed the notion of opportunity cost, said it best in his essay That Which is Seen and That Which is Not Seen. It is easy to see the benefits of government spending when it arises (contracts going to construction workers, teachers, etc), but much harder to see the tradeoff of where that money is not being spent: money that would have circulated through the economy had it not have been paid to the government in taxes. The exact example Bastiat used, in fact, was of a natural disaster sweeping through a town and destroying buildings. Arguments will be made, he said, that the economy will be helped by the jobs necessitated by the cleanup and rebuilding. But these arguments ignore the money that would then not be spent on the economy had the disaster never come through in the first place. The fact is, a natural disaster destroys value, and that’s that.

Public spending is not really good for growth, and anything that can be taken care of by the private sector should be. There are obviously public goods that cannot be efficiently managed privately, like roads and bridges, but these make up a fraction of the actual government spending today on growth. In general, increased public spending does not create growth, it merely recirculates money through the economy much less efficiently.

What private individuals “hoarding” all their money and not spending it (as during a recession)? Doesn’t that necessitate government spending to stimulate the economy? Well, even if the money is sitting in someone’s bank account, it is still part of the US economy–it is leant out by banks to small businesses, it is invested in pension funds, bonds, etc…unless the money is under a mattress it is being useful. But should we decide to tax “non-useful” money, I certainly wouldn’t want to be the person who had to figure out which money was being useful and which wasn’t for each individual, would you? Mind you, a lot of people save money for retirement, or to pass on to children, and that’s not money I would call non-useful; I would consider it quite immoral to tax that money. Yet tax it we do, since our tax code considers all taxable income to be fairly fungible. The so-called “cash pile” exists because of a credit crisis–people with money are hesitant to invest it or lend it or spend it because they are unsure what the future of the economy will be. Certainly, the government stepping in and starting to tax the cash pile will not make investors more confident to start spending again; more likely, people will start stashing the money overseas.

What about things that people absolutely need? Doesn’t the government have an obligation to provide these things if the market can’t? Well, let’s look at what we mean by “need.” The fundamental concept of economics, that of scarcity, takes as a supposition that society doesn’t have the resources to meet our wants and needs. In other words, our wants and needs are unlimited. For example, it is hard to see a refrigerator as anything less than an absolute necessity today, yet it did not exist for most of human history. The brilliance of the free market is it allows individuals to maximize their own utility, to trade for the things that they want and need the most, trading off with the things they don’t need as much. When the government steps in to provide for solutions to “market failures,” it can have the adverse affect of creating market failure.

November 12, 2012Comments are DisabledRead More
From a Concerned Uber Customer

From a Concerned Uber Customer

Note: I sent this email today in response to the news that the City of Chicago’s “consumer protection” bureau is about to shut down the Uber black car service in Chicago. I hope someone in Chicago reads it!

Dear Mayor Emanuel, Rosemary Krimbel, Michelle Smith and the City of Chicago,

I was disheartened to hear that the Department of Business Affairs and Consumer Protection is seriously considering an addition to its regulations, the No Measured Rates Provision (PPV Sec. 1.10), that will restrict the use of certain technologies in reserving black cars in Chicago. It is no secret that these new subsections are an attempt to curtail the productive activities of one service in particular, Uber, which has been running a premium black car reservation service in several US cities since 2011. Uber has unequivocally stated that if these regulations go into effect, they will be forced to shut down their black car service in Chicago.

As an Uber customer and a 5-year former resident of Chicago, Ward 43, I am appalled at the actions taken by the BACP in what is a transparent (and thus far, almost successful) attempt to cut out competition and reduce consumer choice in Chicago, backed by the established taxi industry against innovators like Uber. These new regulations are nothing less than an attack on the consumer and the economy.

The origin of these new rules is supposedly the department of “Consumer Protection,” but it is unclear which consumers these regulations are supposed to protect. Customers of Uber are certainly aware of the service they are buying when they download the Uber app, enter their credit card information, and order a car. It is hard to imagine that the customers use this service willingly and pay for it–and tell their friends about it–if they didn’t derive some benefit from it. Why would thousands of customers have flocked to Uber if it wasn’t a better choice? And if it’s a worse choice, what’s the harm in letting Uber compete for customers like every other company? Even if some customers have been ripped off (which I doubt given Uber’s excellent customer service) it is wholly unfair to deprive thousands of happy customers of their choices because a vocal few are dissatisfied. By that logic, every company in Chicago with a few unsatisfied customers could face censure and delicensing.

If you don’t care about the consumer, what about the worker? Over 1,000 drivers in Chicago depend on Uber for income. These new regulations would put these drivers out of work in an already depressed economy. Uber provides an alternative employment option for drivers to make money from their assets and skills, and put cars to use that would otherwise go undriven. Drivers for Uber stand to lose the most from your unilateral action–hard working people who provide these services and make a living off of them. I have spoken to Uber drivers, and drivers for comparable services like Lyft and Sidecar, who are happy and vocal about their ability to choose among many options for earning a living. Shutting down Uber takes away employment options for good service providers, and indirectly creates a monopsony among existing employers which can be used to exploit drivers and drive down wages and working conditions.

If you have no interest in the consumer or the worker, what about the investor? Uber has raised $49.5 million in venture funding since launching in January 2011. Investors saw the long term potential of a service like Uber to provide a service, create jobs, grow the economy and return dividends. If your new rules go into effect, and other cities follow suit (as many of them already have), the willingness of future investors to take a risk on innovation, especially in a badly under-innovated space like transportation, would be affected. In addition, entrepreneurs like Garret Camp and Travis Kalanick are vital to economic growth and improving the quality of life for everyone else. Would they have taken the leap to start Uber if they had known how hostile markets like Chicago would be to their innovation? Where would our economy be without investors and entrepreneurs like the good people at Uber?

Of course, the dirty secret is that these regulations have nothing to do with consumer protection, and everything to do with legally strong-arming out competition. It is not a coincidence that a coalition of industry Yellow Group, Yellow Cab Affiliation, Taxi Affiliation Services, YC1, 5 Star Flash, Chicago Medallion One and Your Private Limousine all filed suit against Uber on October 5 in an attempt to shut down Uber. It’s one thing to let a lawsuit work its way through the courts in a judicial review; it’s quite another thing to create an end run around any dissent by changing the regulations unilaterally. It seems wholly capricious that one swipe of a pen can threaten the livelihood of thousands of people, put millions of dollars of venture funding at risk, and take away the transportation options of countless happy customers.

But, given that you have that power, why not use it wisely? Instead of stifling innovation, let the market open and let consumer choice drive the economy. Put the consumer in the front seat, where companies like Uber have to be accountable to the people that matter most: their customers.

I hope you will do the right thing and revoke these proposed rules before it’s too late.

Thanks,

Brian Mayer
San Francisco, CA

November 3, 2012Comments are DisabledRead More
The 53% are Not Shitty

The 53% are Not Shitty

A friend of mine asked me why the 53% seem to be proud of working “shitty jobs” with hard hours while “not pursuing their dreams.” I thought the question was unfair. Certainly, I have philosophical disagreements with any group that claims or believes it is different from any other group (to quote Ferris Bueller, “isms, in my opinion, are not good.”). But we have to hand it to these hard working people. They have been responsible. They have lived within their means and have not asked for handouts. They may have little, but it belongs entirely to them. They are proud of what they have accomplished on their own mettle and they believe that America is the only place on earth where that is possible. They do not believe in life being easy or fair.

They are mad that they pay taxes to benefit the self-proclaimed “99%” who expect handouts from the government, which really means the taxpayers, aka them. They are mad that people are surprised to be $200,000 in debt after college, and expect free money for it. They are mad that people think that the American Dream has anything to do with having a perfect life, when really it is about self-fulfillment through hard work and owning your accomplishments. They are mad that people like them are ridiculed and slandered by the media for being passionate about maintaining their individualism.

They are scared that the people on Wall Street want to take their freedom away from them through government control and radical redistribution. They are bemused that people don’t understand the difference between a government job taking money from society, and a real job based on providing value to society. They are bemused that college graduates don’t understand the financial system in their own country, and don’t have a smidgeon of understanding of world history. They are aware of the hundreds of millions of people who died in the twentieth century because people believed what many people in OWS believe about the “injustice” of wealth inequality.

They are part of a silent majority of Americans who work hard, deserve what they get, for better or for worse, and don’t believe they should have to live in a society where their hard work is taken away from them to benefit someone else. They are more important than the 99%, because they provide the bedrock of the American economy and are the reason America is still the best place in the world to live, even though we aren’t perfect and have a long way to go.

October 20, 2011Comments are DisabledRead More
The Absurdity of Occupy Wall Street; and, Why OWS Owes a Debt of Gratitude to the Tea Party

The Absurdity of Occupy Wall Street; and, Why OWS Owes a Debt of Gratitude to the Tea Party

When Occupy Wall Street began September 17, they received more than their fair share of criticism from both the right and the left, mostly due to their lack of a single message or central organization. The media on the right, especially, seemed to have forgotten the nascent waywardness of its own pet Tea Party movement. The left, on the other hand, was most critical of the more radical elements of Occupy Wall Street that seemed to hurt its core message. Few pundits on the left took the litany of grievances leveled against Wall Street seriously, and for a while it was hard to separate this Marxist drivel from the core meaning of the movement. But since Occupy Wall Street, like the Tea Party before it, did not arise out of careful central planning and hone its message from the media pulpit, it has been fascinating to see a coalition of the willing become an army of vocal, articulate, and passionate advocates for change, organically and without direction, truly revealing the voice of the American public without the influence of politics, media or corporate money.

It is quite clear by now that Occupy Wall Street has gone mainstream, and, like the Tea Party before them, has revealed a fundamental frustration in the core of the American people about the relationship between money and politics. It may seem odd, given the respective movements’ vast philosophical differences, but this is the foundation of real change. Remember, what made the Tea Party stand up two years ago was a philosophical disagreement with the role of government in money, and what has made Occupy Wall Street stand up now is a philosophical disagreement with the role of money in government. If the right wants government out of money, and the left wants money out of government, there has to be some common ground somewhere.

This is positive. If nothing else, Occupy Wall Street has shown that Americans are far from complacent about how their government is run. A decade ago, it was not uncommon to hear pundits speculate whether Americans really cared what happened in Washington. It is clear now that they do. And if you are an incumbent in Congress right now, of either party, you should be shaking in your boots. However, what makes the philosophical argument of the Occupy Wall Street movement absurd is not the basic assumption held by most of these people. It is 100% true that Wall Street is “corrupt,” insofar as you can generalize, in that most, if not all, of the financial firms are not accountable to the people. they should be accountable to the people they serve–and as corporations, they should serve their customers (yes, their shareholders, but theres not much shareholder value if you don’t have paying, happy customers, is there?).

However, in the case of Wall Street, the people they serve is not the people, it is the government. contrary to popular belief, especially among the liberal classes, the government, no matter how democratic or representative it might be, is not the people. It is a machine shaped by special interests and personal greed, people seeking power and and people seeking benefits. These influencers are mostly corporate interests, although a couple other social interest groups get in their from time to time. But the movement again is 100% right in being mad that there is too much corporate influence in government.

Now up to this point, we all hopefully agree that the incestuous relationship between Wall Street and government is bad. It’s bad for people, who have no recourse against corruption, going each way. It’s bad for investors and the economy, because it creates an environment of uncertainty. It’s bad for politics, because it ties our hands in our ability to make smart policy decisions because of corporate interests. The way that both government and the economy should work is this: people voting with their feet. Capitalism is the most democratic form of economic organization, because wealth is earned by creating value for society. The successful entrepreneurs who build better iPhones and better banks should make money. IF they create value. But when Wall Street banks are making FREE money, out of our pockets, without creating value at all, THEN that’s a problem. And the distortion of incentives around Wall Street makes it so that these financial firms are accountable to the government, and not the people they should be serving, their customers.

A perfect example of this is the Dodd-Frank act. This act is singlehandedly responsible for the $5 debit card fee that Bank of America has just started charging its customers. The customers are outraged, and they should be. But who’s fault is it? Someone has to pay for the infrastructure around debit cards. The banks came to an agreement with merchants that merchants would pay a % fee on transactions for the convenience of letting customers pay using debit cards. Dodd-Frank stepped in and made this practice illegal. So the banks had to recover this cost by charging their customers. Is this an example of corporate greed screwing customers out of their money? Or is it an example of financial regulation making banks more accountable to the government than its customers? And who loses at the end of the day? The customers. The people.

This “corruption” is not a result of the very important and beneficial practice of selling a service for profit. This is the result of overregulation that has stepped in and distorted the accountability of financial firms to the expense of the people. And this is the distinction that Occupy Wall Street is failing to make: the difference between capitalism (a truly organic form of economic organization that allows free people to compete over customers and improve the social good) and what libertarians on the right and the left have termed “corporatism,” which is the undo relationship between politics and the market.

This goes back to my original criticism of Occupy Wall Street. Why are they protesting on Wall Street? The financial firms have the same incentives that people do: to gain the most they can in the easiest way possible. In the past, banks had to vigorously compete with each other to attract more customers. To offer better services and hedge risk against failure. Today, banks have to convince White House advisers that they are helping the economy, put out their hand and receive $1.6 trillion in bailouts, which, by the way, hurt the value of everyone’s money. What incentive does a bank have to do anything for these people? None. And who’s responsible? We are. We’re responsible because we elect leaders who look for quick fixes without exploring systemic problems. We’re responsible because we were silent in 2008, too scared to see our economy collapse to say anything about the massive injustice of giving free money to terrible companies that had completely screwed their customers and investors over.

What’s particularly ironic is that the Occupy Wall Street movement and the Tea Party members couldn’t be further apart on the political spectrum. But the Tea Party, to its credit, was protesting the overextension of taxpayer money into the financial system in 2008. They were protesting the very same “corruption” that Occupy Wall Street is protesting. Except they were protesting against the right people: the political leaders who let this happen. So the Occupy Wall Street kids (people who very likely ridiculed the Tea Party with Jon Stewart two years ago), owe a debt of gratitude to the Tea Party for at least starting the conversation around corporatism when it needed to be made–before it was too late.

October 15, 2011Comments are DisabledRead More