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Post Tagged with: Barack Obama

Thanks, Obama

Thanks, Obama

I’ve had a complicated relationship with the 44th Commander in Chief.

For starters, I helped get him elected. I served on the New Media Team as a volunteer for his first presidential campaign in 2008. I got to work with some incredible people: Chris HughesArun ChaudharyDan Siroker, Michael Slaby, Gray Brooks, and many more, all of whom went on to do extraordinary things.

I was in Denver for the 2008 convention where, though not able to score an invite to the floor, I was able to witness an America divided by the hot button issues of the day, some of which are still with us: same-sex marriage, abortion, the war in Iraq, and immigration. I watched the DNC convention speeches with anticipation and excitement for the next eight years, fully swept up in the anti-Bush furor and pro-Obama fervor of the time.

Despite some misgivings, I was all in on Obama. I thought his vision was the right thing for the country at the time. I thought his story, and especially his race, were poignant symbols of the progress America had made. He didn’t need to play the ‘race card’ because his candidacy was the ultimate race card. He proved to America that leadership, eloquence, savvy and hard work transcend race and class. He was also the ultimate foil to eight years of George W. Bush: the president that America loved to hate. Bush was born rich and coasted to the presidency. Obama was born poor and worked his way into it. Bush was a clumsy orator. Obama’s words soared. Bush was the voice of the special interests and the past. Obama was the voice of the disenfranchised and the future.

When we pulled the lever for Obama we believed we were making the world a better place. For a brief moment in history, Obama made us believe that Hope and Change were achievable political values. When we gathered in Grant Park in Chicago on Election Day, the minute the California polls closed and CNN flashed its projection, the crowd was so swept up in the profundity of that history-shaking moment that time seemed to freeze. I hugged a stranger that night and we cried.

As Obama would say on his way out of office eight years later, reality has a way of asserting itself. There really was no post-racial America, no progressive wave, no hope, and no change. America hated Bush enough to elect the most liberal candidate in history, and America corrected itself two years later when the Republicans took back the House of Representatives. The post-Obama swing has arguably continued into the 2016 election, bringing us the biggest wildcard in American history.

Even so, for the first couple years, I had more or less a positive feeling about Obama’s policies, and politics, until 2011 or so when my economic and political thinking took a hard libertarian tack and I found myself alienated towards my former political idol and the Democratic Party I thought reflected progress. The economy didn’t magically get better; healthcare wasn’t magically solved. I went through a personal journey that paralleled, perhaps, that of many in my generation: disillusionment, alienation, resentment, political realignment. I was probably one of many who watched with excitement and anticipation in 2009 when Congress voted on ACA, hoping that it would pass, and three years later nearly lost my mind when the Supreme Court refused to rule it unconstitutional.

Obama was still the president, but for me, for years he represented the worst of American politics. In my view, he was the face of the arrogance of Washington DC. His rhetoric that I had once praised as transcendent became bitter and divisive. He condescended to the masses with placations and platitudes and they bought it hook, line and sinker. I pulled the lever for Gary Johnson in 2012 and never regretted it.

Then, strangely enough, in 2013, my relationship to Barack Obama changed again. Living in the liberal capital of San Francisco, despite our political differences I happily partnered up with Max Slavkin and Aaron Perry-Zucker of the Creative Action Network, whose first product was a folio of pro-Obama propaganda (or as we called it, art). As their first CTO, I spent the next year creating an ecommerce and art submission platform to sell a litany of poster campaigns geared towards progressive causes with impactful results, including See America which now has a great book selling in the national parks. In San Francisco, I found myself pulled back into the progressive network of creatives and intellectuals I had spent the previous two years trying to avoid. I came to see that, despite our disagreements on many issues, their hard work to make the world a better place was admirable, and many of them continue to be close friends.

All the while, Barack Obama was my president, and the distance between us started to shrink. Second term Obama was my flavor much more than first term Obama. I admired his work on criminal justice reform. I was extremely supportive of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and watched with dismay as that fell apart. His actions on Cuba and Iran were exciting. I even cheered Kerry’s recent foray into the thorny Israeli settlement issue. I celebrated when Obama ‘evolved’ on same-sex marriage, and celebrated more so in San Francisco the week the Supreme Court ruled it constitutional. Obama wasn’t perfect by any means, especially when it came to his expansion of drone strikes, surveillance power, executive privilege, his handling of Syria, and more. But over the last three years I have developed a newfound begrudging respect for the community organizer from Illinois.

Did Obama leave me, or did I leave Obama? And once separated, did he come back to me or did I come back to him? Did he become more centrist, more pragmatic in recent years? Or did we evolve towards each other, like a divided America dancing in disagreement towards a common truth? I know that my progressive friends feel somewhat betrayed by the Obama presidency, for the same reason that my conservative friends have felt warmer towards him in recent years. Maybe we all are changing in ways we wouldn’t like to admit. Or maybe Obama, the great pragmatist, has had his finger on the pulse of our generation in a way no one ever has.

Like all presidents, he leaves office with a mixed legacy. But for me, Obama was simply my president, for better or for worse. Like postwar Eisenhower, he is the president historians will feature when they turn the page into the 21st century. I think John McCain would have made a fine president, as would have Mitt Romney. But despite all my distrust of #44 and my concerns about his achievements, I have grown accustomed to That One and will be sad to see him go. Because, for better or for worse, America is turning the page again, and though we don’t know what the next chapter will bring, this one wasn’t all that bad.

In many ways, it is impossible for me to disentangle the history of Obama with my own history. It’s impossible not to think about the most powerful person in the world–someone who is always in your living room and on your computer screen–as part of your life. And like any other relationship, mine with Obama has had its ups and downs, and must now sadly come to an end. Not sadly because change, or even Trump, are inherently bad, sadly because Obama is the president I have gotten to know through the years and now he’s about to ride off into the sunset.

So, it is with only a tinge of irony that I close this obituary of my relationship with Barack Obama, happy to see the country still standing, hopeful for the next four years, and appreciative of the accomplishments of this undeniably impressive politician and man.

Thanks, Obama.

 

January 12, 20171 commentRead More
Charlie Hebdo, Free Expression and the Freedom to Offend

Charlie Hebdo, Free Expression and the Freedom to Offend

I was unusually proud of Obama today when I saw that he was making a full-throated defense of free expression in the wake of today’s savage attack of the offices of Charlie Hebdo in Paris. It’s good to see Obama standing up for human rights, and more importantly for the core values of our civilization: the values that have lead to unparalleled freedom and prosperity for billions of people globally. It is sad to see these values under threat today, in today’s attack and others, by those who think that being offended is a justification for murder.

This isn’t the first time we’ve seen this particular brand of Islamist violence around the world in the last couple of years in response to “offense to Muslims.” A YouTube video allegedly provoked the protesters at Benghazi. Deadly riots ensued in Afghanistan and elsewhere after Terry Jones declared his intention to burn Qurans in Florida. Of course, we all remember when Danish embassies around the world were violently attacked, and riots broke out over the Muslim world where almost 200 people were killed, because Danish newspapers published cartoons depicting the prophet Muhammed.

It is one thing when this violence occurs abroad–in mob protests encouraged and sanctioned by corrupt regimes to score political points–it is quite another thing when violence hits the source. Therein do we we see the true contrast between the values of those who, despite what the apologists may think, wish to create a theocratic dictatorship, and those who seek to uphold civilized values of freedom of religion, expression and thought for all people. When Salman Rushdie was forced into exile by a fatwa issued on him and the assassination attempts that followed, the apologists on the left and the right condemned his alleged offense of Muslims instead of the hit put on him by a foreign preacher and the people who attempted to carry it out. We have seen Lars Vilks, Theo van Gogh, and others been murdered for offending Muslims, or in the case of Hitoshi Igarashi, murdered for translating a work alleged to have offended Muslims. We have seen attempted assassinations and death threats against Kurt Westergaard, Ettore Capriolo, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, and others.

And now, we can add to the list of victims of Islamist violence the 12 cartoonists and journalists who were murdered in cold blood today by home-grown crazies shouting Islamic phrases in unaccented French as they proved, quite sadly, that the sword can be mightier than the pen. What happened in Paris is sickening and inexcusable, and it is good to see a near-universal condemnation of this violence as well as a full-throated defense of free speech.

But rest assured, the apologists have already started to come out of the woodwork. Ezra Klein–before the bodies were cold–wrote:

Their crime isn’t explained by cartoons or religion. Plenty of people read Charlie Hebdo’s cartoons and managed to avoid responding with mass murder. Plenty of people follow all sorts of religions and somehow get through the day without racking up a body count. The answers to what happened today won’t be found in Charlie Hebdo’s pages. They can only be found in the murderers’ sick minds.

It’s as if these people thought, “we should murder a bunch of journalists in cold blood,” and only then decided to research some religions, luckily finding one that offered the precise pretext they needed to accomplish their goals, and went about creating an elaborate backstory whereby their murders would now be justified because the victims had insulted their new ideology.

Klein goes on to say “can only be explained by the madness of the perpetrators, who did something horrible and evil that almost no human beings anywhere ever do.”

Except people do do it. They do it when they are instructed to by their religion. And it isn’t even a difficult leap to make: they said they did it to avenge their prophet. Why is that such a difficult pill to swallow?

Over the next couple of days, we expect to hear a predictable response from Klein and others like him: most Muslims are peaceful, Islam is not a religion of violence, this is all about politics, not religion, etc. And for the most part, these points are a distraction. Because of course most Muslims are peaceful. Of course most people–of any religion–only want to live their lives peacefully and prosperously.

But it’s a straw man. The question is “do we have a problem with the way Islam is understood and practiced by an unacceptably large number of people?” The answer is clearly yes. Are there crazy Christians and Jews and Hindus? Absolutely. But that, too, is a distraction. Islam is unique in the world today as a religion with a large number of followers who believe in values contrary to modern conceptions of human rights. Over 90% of Muslims in Iraq, Morocco, Tunisia, Indonesia, Afghanistan and Malaysia believe that a wife is always obliged to obey her husband, according to Pew. The same poll found that over 70% of Muslims in Egypt, Jordan, Afghanistan and Pakistan support the death penalty for apostasy.

Although most Muslims in the US are far more tolerant, 8% of American Muslims believe that suicide bombings are “sometimes” or “often” justified to defend Islam. That’s a scarily high percentage. It only takes one person to do something deadly.

This may sound like fear mongering, but it isn’t–I could put all the usual disclaimers in here: most Muslims are peaceful, I have Muslim friends, etc, etc. The fact is, that this has little to nothing to do with Muslims as people. It has to do with whether the civilized world–and that includes most Muslims–are doing enough to combat backwards thinking and medieval values. Are we truly doing what needs to be done to stand up for tolerance that allows people to practice their religion freely, but not intolerance that allows them to impose their religious beliefs on others through violence and intimidation?

The US probably has the best constitutional framework for this, in that, as a strictly secular political sphere with religious practice guaranteed freedom by the first amendment, we are able to strike a balance between the political and the personal. We should not follow the prescriptions of lunatics who think that banning Muslims from entering the country or outlawing religion is the solution. We should, however, be OK with enforcing our secularism to the benefit of Muslims, worldwide, who share the same values. These are the people who are most in danger–those who are actually tolerant and free-thinking, who are living under regimes or in societies that put them at risk for their beliefs. We need to stand up for the victims of Islamofascism, who are usually Muslims themselves, and protect them–let them emigrate, defend their rights abroad, call out their oppressors and support their revolutions.

The apologists will not get us there. The xenophobes won’t get us there. We need a third way.

Here’s where it starts: it starts by insisting that the values of the first amendment are not just American values, but global values. That people should be allowed to practice their religion freely as well as believe what they want to about anything, and that includes other religions or not having a religion at all. Most of all, people must be free to offend people who don’t agree with their ideas, because that’s the point of free expression. The first amendment doesn’t exist to give people the freedom to state a popular opinion. As Rosa Luxemburg said, “Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently.” Or, to put a finer point on it, from Rushdie himself: “What is freedom of expression? Without the freedom to offend, it ceases to exist.”

Then, these values must be disseminated somehow, maybe through a combination of political and cultural ambassadorship.

At this point, though, I have to admit that I don’t know what’s actionable here. What can we actually do? Other than be on the right side of the debate, and standing up for values of modern civilization, how can we actually turn back the tide of an ideology that, if anything, is getting stronger and its followers more numerous? We can’t go to war against every nation whose values we don’t share. We can’t round up all Muslims because of a few bad apples. We are at risk of being impotent while we get bombed and shot at by an enemy that is far more motivated and bloodthirsty than we are.

So I don’t have the answers–I just think it’s important that we realize this is a problem, and that true liberals get on the right side of history to help come up with a solution.

January 7, 2015Comments are DisabledRead More
We are Obsessed with Race, Not Racism

We are Obsessed with Race, Not Racism

Our obsession with race has surpassed and perhaps even magnified our problems with racism in America.

Let me explain what I mean. Since I’m white, I can’t speak to the personal experience of racism, and I wouldn’t try to do so. As an American, I am part of a society that has made identity politics a most incessant and obnoxious trope, and I have observed that the more opposed to this drivel people get, the more the boundaries of politically acceptable discourse solidify to exclude them (or should I say, us). There are things that just can’t be said anymore, things that we need people to say because without dissent, race politics becomes an orthodoxy, and orthodoxies are dangerous. That said, I have travelled to a very many places and interacted with a great deal of people of all backgrounds, ideas and identities. Almost every person I have met has been full of opinions about racism, despite the fact that few of them are people whom I would consider to be racist themselves. And I’m beginning to wonder if our obsession with race has reached a boiling point and we might need to rethink how we approach issues of race in this country before it boils over and causes some real problems.

For reference, I always look to South Africa, where I studied abroad, and to the particularly virulent, open racism that persists there 20 years after apartheid. In South Africa, everybody talks about race, all the time. It’s talked about with an openness and frankness that is surprising to an untrained American ear. I think we can learn a lot from South Africans in how they openly confront their racist past and spend every waking minute talking about it–as a result, there are no secrets, no closet racists, no sinister feeling of power behind a veil of magnanimity. In South Africa, racists white, black and coloured proudly declare their racism. It truly lays bear the shocking reality of racism; that it exists in droves, that it is self-perpetuating, that it results in bad justice, erosion of social cohesion, etc–these are things we know. But because South Africans talk about it so much, because they confront it and it is politically acceptable for public figures to say some of the most shockingly racist things, I found it oddly refreshing and somewhat hopeful. That maybe there is a post-racial future in South Africa after all.

But it is hard not to contrast the South African free discourse over race with our much more regimented, yet simultaneously boiling, discourse in America. We have confined ourselves to a very narrow and troubling politically correct discourse where the only thing it is permissible to talk about is how bad racism is and how racist white people are, and it has become completely impermissible to talk about the identity politics and tokenism which have resulted from this myopic obsession. As a result, the conversation about race and racism in America is troublingly one-sided. When I am engaged in a discussion about race, it is almost always about racism, the ism being the domain of racists and a racist society (depending on your worldview, this defines a relatively narrow or a very broad band of Americans). But in all this talk about racism, we are engaging in a more important discourse, a discourse on and around capital-R Race. The difference is that while “racism” can be easily used to segment the undesirables in our midst, race is considered not only an important preoccupation but a necessary one in order to combat racism, and thus race, not racism, is what enters the national consciousness and infects our discourse. In short, we no longer are obsessed with racists, we are obsessed with race.

What form does this obsession with race take in our society? We are racial compartmentalizers. We count minorities in positions of power and obsess over racial balance. We talk about racial “firsts” (first African-American so-and-so). We still can’t decide on a good definition of Hispanic. We try to “fix” racism with countless race-specific philanthropies and entitlements. When we encounter people or public figures that challenge our assumptions about race, the we get cognitive dissonance and the discourse gets wrapped up in it. Black men like Herman Cain and Michael Steele were commonly derided as Uncle Toms during their pinnacles of influence. (This isn’t just a racial problem–we even blame women like Marissa Mayer and Sheryl Sandberg for not being feminist enough, which is eerily similar to the time when Sarah Palin was being attacked by the feminist movement who apparently wanted a woman in power but only a certain kind of woman.) This systemic compartmentalization is rampant. We castigate white people with success for ignoring and/or not admitting their privilege. We castigate “minorities” (I hate that word) with success for not doing more to help other minorities. In the latter case, it is very discomfiting to see the expectations of people when it comes to diversity unhinged on those who are providing solutions.

If there’s ever a better exemplar of the problem of race in America, it’s President Barack Obama. Obama is our first black president, but he’s actually half black. It’s interesting how his mixed racial heritage rarely gets as much attention as his blackness. It’s as if there’s an unspoken rule that being biracial is too confusing for a racial narrative. He must be black, or maybe conservatives wouldn’t hate him as much, and he wouldn’t be different than every president that came before. But he’s also a possessor of a litany of American privileges that we usually associate with whiteness. He was raised in a white household by his white grandparents. He went to white colleges. How do we as Americans square that circle? Do we dare create a definition that challenges our inborn assumptions of race, or do we call him black and leave it at that? And if we have decided that a half-black man is either all black or all white, what sort of example is that supposed to set to mixed race children growing up in America, that they have to choose one or the other in order to have a place? Of course, if we make too much of a deal of his white heritage, we have also failed black kids in telling them that you can be successful if you’re black, but only if you’re actually white.

Our race discourse is about constantly deconstructing and reconstructing our racial narratives in order to make the most sense about ourselves. We all think about these things, even if we don’t talk about it. We are conditioned from an early age to internalize notions of race and culture, to be aware of racism, to know our racist history, to understand it. We embrace “diversity” and engage in an uncomfortable amount of social engineering in order to achieve some utopian post-racial future. At the same time, we are conditioned to only speak about race in euphemisms, to avoid offending (which often means avoid discussing) and to tread lightly in the public sphere on the subject. We also are very happy to shut down discussion of race, especially by white people–an uncomfortable ad hominem lobbed at white people who dare to criticize identity politics in America.

A bigger challenge to egalitarianism is that we can’t be satisfied as Americans all seeking for our piece of the American Dream. We can only be satisfied if every person fits neatly into a box on a census form and into a race coalition with its own community spokespeople. We need to conflate race and class, because the alternative is too unsettling. This is a problem because using “white” as a synonym for privilege ignores a very important factor of what constitutes racial “normality” in a society. It is fair to say that white people have a privilege in a white society. It is more accurate to say that X people have a privilege in an X society. Whatever X is in America, it isn’t strictly white. There’s a combination of looks, language, culture and history involved in X. There are plenty of white people with southern drawls who couldn’t land a job on Wall Street even if they had straight A’s. Our culture doesn’t work like that. There are also plenty of black kids growing up in Fairfield County, CT who often act, talk, and subsequently succeed like any white kid growing up in the same circumstance. Incidentally, they are often accused of “acting white.” This is part of the problem: that we use such terminology speaks to a very sad conflation between race and class in contrast to America’s multiracial, diverse reality.

X isn’t necessarily the same thing as white, and indeed, if we want there to be any progress on the racial front, we have to insist that X shouldn’t be white and it is possible, and desirable, to deconstruct the “white privilege” paradigm. This isn’t unthinkable. The definition of “white” itself has changed in history. One of the more interesting books I read last year, Nell Irwin Painter’s The History of White People, tells a fascinating story of how “white” has come to express different ethnic makeups in America. In the last 200 years alone, white has excluded, and then included in turn, people of German, Scandinavian and Irish origin. Imagine that in the late 19th century there was an entire contingent of scientists who didn’t consider Nordic people to be white enough!

I would have to mention Michel Foucault at this point because the parallels of racial discourse in today’s America to sexual discourse in yesterday’s England are too obvious not to bring up. Foucault observes that the people whom we regard to be the most uptight about sexuality were the most obsessed with it. People who spent every waking minute restricting new sexualities and perversities and in doing so opened up sexuality to a whole new universe of intrigue in science, the law, and medicine, in what he calls the Perverse Implantation. Rather than sexuality becoming more subdued, it became more accessible, with the prudish Victorian discourse on sex merely a catalyst for an unprecedented interest in sex, and indeed, it is often misunderstood to have been prudish in the first place.

We have a similar situation in America with race: we spend every waking minute thinking about it and in doing so create more obsession. We can’t get enough of race. Instead of pushing past racism, we are recycling racism into a new paradigm in which all facets of the racial puzzle are reconstructed, pushed into avenues of politics, art, science, the humanities, and thus continually re-examined, obsessed over. Call in the Racial Implantation. Instead of defeating racism, we are creating a new class of racists who, like the racists of old, believe their solutions to the race problem are progressive. They also tend to be inside an echo chamber where challenges to their outlook are deflected, often, ironically enough, with charges of racism.

Given these issues of race in our discourse, racism itself isn’t surprising. I would be surprised to find myself in any modern society today without racism. It either is an extremely natural human instinct in complex societies, or it is going to be a very bad habit to break. I think everyone will disagree on the best “solution” to racism, the discussion of which I think may be part of the problem, but c’est la vie. You can’t argue with the facts: America has racists, and whites sit at the top of the racial hierarchy. This makes a lot of people uncomfortable, including whites. White people, like myself, find it difficult to square their belief in an egalitarian society with the racial realities of our still predominantly white society. And that’s something that we can and should address, and there are plenty of ideas on how to do so. But the first step to solving a problem is recognizing a problem. And the problem, I believe, needs to include our obsession with race. We need to realize that our race discourse has added to, and perhaps even compounded the racism problem. I would like to see racism become just one part of a larger discourse where we look at ourselves first and foremost as perpetrators of a perverse race logic. Only then can we really begin to address the dreams of a post-racial future.

Thanks to Danilo Campos and Frances Low for reading drafts of this.

May 18, 2013Comments are DisabledRead More
First they came for the terrorists…

First they came for the terrorists…

The president starts spying on American citizens. Then he starts indefinitely detaining them. Then he starts exiling them. Then he starts executing them. All without due process. All without a speedy trial or a trial by jury, some without any evidence whatsoever. And all while people in the same party as the president defend his actions on the grounds of national security. Then the parties flip and the previous defenders of the administration start to show “concern” and its attackers become defenders.

It would read like a bad farce, but it’s true. And it is true not because we weren’t aware of what was happening, but because we didn’t care enough to do anything to stop it. “They’re all terrorists,” we tell ourselves. “The government wouldn’t go after them unless they had reason to believe they did something wrong.”

Something is definitely wrong when Pakistanis are rightfully protesting our government's actions whilst we remain disturbingly silent. Something is definitely wrong when Pakistanis are rightfully protesting our government’s actions whilst we remain disturbingly silent.Never mind that the Justice Department memo “justifying” the execution of American citizens abroad came out barely three weeks after the suicide of Aaron Swartz brought national attention to prosecutorial overreach on computer crimes, going after kids with hard jail time for exploration of computer systems no more harmfully than playing ding dong ditch.

Never mind that this is the same week that the two out of three branches of government are aggressively pushing to take guns away from law abiding citizens (even though the same government has no problem sending billions of dollars in unrestricted weapons to Israel and Egypt).

Never mind that the administration, with cover from the Supreme Court, has forced people to buy health insurance from megacorporations, while those same corporations now mysteriously have more power than they had when Obamacare was passed. And, not coincidentally, health insurance premiums are rising, not that we couldn’t see it coming.

Never mind that the executive branch continues to raid marijuana dispensaries that are operating legally under state law, and the most openly drug using president in history is secretly jailing thousands of nonviolent drug users like himself.

I fear that the greatest threat to liberty is not our government, but ourselves. That we would be so complacent in this farce as one by one our rights are trampled upon. That we would continue to defend our ideas as constitutional and the others’ as unconstitutional, when in reality we seem content to pick and choose the parts of the constitution we agree with and discard the rest. “Let’s give up on the constitution,” said one prominent constitutional law professor in December. How soon before more people believe that? How soon before government’s legitimacy crisis comes to a head?

It ends now. I’ll be calling my congresspeople today on the drone strikes issue. Please join me in doing the same.

February 6, 2013Comments are DisabledRead More
On Same-Sex Marriage

On Same-Sex Marriage

I was at the first same-sex civil union performed in Connecticut, and for that I consider myself privileged. After the brides slowly walked down the aisle to the altar, the Unitarian pastor performing the ceremony told us, through tears, that they symbolically took their time getting to the altar because it has taken them a long, long time to be able to get married. For a couple that had been together for more than 20 years, and had each spent a lifetime fighting for their right to get married, it was about bloody time they were allowed to openly, proudly declare their love for one another and have that love recognized by the state.

enhanced-buzz-21299-1355130638-5That was in 2005. It would still be three more years before Connecticut became only the third state to enact same-sex marriage legislation. Other states followed suit, but not without problems. In 2008, California’s infamous Prop 8 banned same-sex marriage in my current home state, rolling back a right that had been granted to gay couples previously, and prompting a litany of suits that have now reached the Supreme Court. But even in 2005, although it was still an uphill battle for millions of gay couples in the United States, it wasn’t unthinkable that the nation was at a tipping point. In just seven years’ time, a blink of the eye in legislative terms, nine states now allow same-sex couples to marry, with the first to allow it by popular vote in the last election. The president of the United States, for the first time, publicly acknowledged his support of the issue. Multiple Republicans and GOP insiders have acknowledged that there is little they can do about the eventual legalization of same sex marriage nationally. And in a stunning symbolic blow to the sadomasochistic social conservative movement, conservative-turned-libertarian Glen Beck is joining Bill O’Reilly and the ranks of the right who finally acknowledge that small-government conservatism means the government should stay out of love as well.

Pictures of couples marking their 40 years of commitment to each other with wedding rings say more about the necessity of righting this fundamental injustice nationally than I ever could, but it’s worth pausing for a moment to reflect on how we got here, and just how important this is to the nation. There are people today who still remember when “miscegenation” was illegal, and when blacks couldn’t marry whites. Hell, there are people today who were around when women first got the right to vote. It is a painful legacy of our history that only until recently have all people, of all kinds, truly been a part of the national project. And nothing is more odious than the interjection of government power into private lives of citizens (if you ask me, we’re going in the wrong direction: we should be ending government involvement in marriage altogether). But especially when sex and love have been used by countless regimes in history to drive wedges between people of different races and faiths (especially where religion is concerned), it has finally become somewhat of a banality at this point to stand up and declare openly, “I can love who I want and there’s nothing you can do about it.”

enhanced-buzz-13310-1355130194-9I could say a lot about this, particularly about South Africa which went from apartheid’s strict regulations on sex and marriage to full-blown marriage equality within 20 years, but it is amazing how steadfastly civil liberties can be protected as long as people keep speaking out for them. For there are plenty of people who would like this “sin” to be punishable by death. There are plenty of people who would like to see gays “cured” by the state, or see religion in general imposed upon children in classrooms. And, don’t get me wrong, there are plenty of our friends on the left who would like to tell people what foods they can eat, or what lightbulbs they can use, or what is appropriate to say and in which fora. There will always be people who believe they have a right not to be offended by someone else’s personal choices and beliefs, and they will work to take away our rights in turn.

The test of the immutability of the right to marriage is not whether it becomes national law in 5 years, but whether in 30 years, or 50 years, people take it for granted, the way I fear many people today take their right to a fair trial for granted. Whether people realize how difficult it was to acquire these rights, there are always sinister forces looking to defeat them. We must be vigilant and continue to fight to protect our natural rights, rights that should and will belong to us even if our universe has been clouded with totalitarianism.

The wedding bells today in Washington are a welcome sound to all who can hear them. And may they soon ring out in Mississippi and Georgia and Idaho. And may they soon ring out in Indonesia and Iran and Uganda. And when they do, let us not forget how hard it is to gain our rights, and never fail to protect them.


As an aside: if you are a supporter of gay rights, but also believe in conservative ideals like small government, free minds and free markets, I recommend donating to GOProud, an conservative gay rights organization that supports states’ rights (that wonderful feature of federalism that has allowed gay couples to get married all across America even while many people oppose it). Whereas they are a little controversial on their narrow line on same-sex marriage, they get points for fighting discrimination and pushing for more acceptance in the conservative movement.

December 11, 2012Comments are DisabledRead More
What Really Matters after 2012

What Really Matters after 2012

Barack Obama won. I won’t be enthusiastic, but I won’t be hateful, either. He was a better candidate with a better argument. The voters chose. Mitt Romney was an awful alternative. And, truth be told, I didn’t vote for either one. Quite clearly, my cynicism has evolved greatly since 2008.

Where do we go from here? There will be more elections, and more bitter contests. Although most people claim to belong to one party or another, I believe that all people have a soft spot for that one thing that matters more than anything else: our freedom. So here’s what I’m looking for in any candidate I support for any election in the future, regardless of party. I’m looking for candidates who support:

  • Freedom to choose whom I marry
  • Freedom to choose whom I work for and in what profession
  • Freedom to invest and save my wages as I please
  • Freedom for parents to choose schools for their children
  • Freedom for parents to pass their money onto their children
  • Freedom to make decisions about my health, both positive and negative
  • Freedom to vote without preconditions
  • Freedom to trade with foreign companies without penalty
  • Freedom to sell my labor for as much or as little as I am able
  • Freedom to sell any product or service I can provide for which there is a willing buyer
  • Freedom to believe in any god or no god at all

With this very simple metric, I will be able to tell which candidates deserve my vote in the future, and which candidates don’t. I don’t care about identity or politics, I only care about the odds for liberty.

Right now, the odds look a little better, with sweeping changes in four states in favor of gay marriage, and two states overturning marijuana prohibition. On the other hand, the bailouts of Wall Street and the auto industry just got a rousing endorsement. It will be hard to predict the next four years, but one thing you can count on after this generation demonstrated where it stands on social issues: the freedoms above are not unattainable. They just will require some work.

Congratulations, President Obama. Time to get moving.

November 7, 2012Comments are DisabledRead More
Roberts is a Genius

Roberts is a Genius

This post is predicated on a text message I just received from my friend, to quote: “Roberts is a genius. He punted it to Congress to deal with as a tax issue and curbed further creep of the Commerce Clause.”

Let’s look at what John Roberts did today. Stepping back from whether or not ObamaCare is good policy–and he’s right, that’s not for the court to decide–let’s look at the mechanics in place here.

  • Roberts joined with the liberals on the court (Ginsberg, Breyer, Sotomayor, Kagan) to constitutionally validate the American Care Act (ACA) without some provisions of the Medicaid expansion
  • Roberts defined the “individual mandate” as a tax with the liberal side
  • Roberts and the conservative side held that the Commerce Clause does not Congress the power to compel commerce
  • The court held 7-2 that the government could not coerce the states into accepting the Medicaid expansion by withholding all Medicaid funding

Some excellent analyses I have read (here and here) have confirmed the notion that Roberts’ decision might have “lost the battle but won the war.” In siding with the liberals, Roberts took away the potency of arguments against the partisanship of the court. In upholding the mandate, Roberts recognized the power of Congress to enact policy. In ruling the exercise of the mandate under the Commerce Clause unconstitutional, Roberts provided a key precedent for future decisions limiting the power of the government to compel commerce. In ruling the mandate a tax, Roberts made it very clear that Congress was only exercising its existing authority and has no additional authority. Finally, in rejecting the coercion of states into joining the Medicaid expansion, Roberts upheld what remains of Federalism.

The politics at play behind the scenes must have been bewildering. A lot of moving parts had to come together here, and Roberts played his role expertly. He got the liberals (with the exception of Ginsburg) to join his interpretation of the Commerce Clause and Necessary and Proper Clause as such, presumably in exchange for his endorsement of the ACA. And this interpretation of the clause will survive long after the ACA is repealed in Congress.

People, for reasons of their own, often fail to do things that would be good for them or good for society. Those failures—joined with the similar failures of others—can readily have a substantial effect on interstate commerce. Under the Government’s logic, that authorizes Congress to use its commerce power to compel citizens to act as the Government would have them act…Congress already enjoys vast power to regulate much of what we do. Accepting the Government’s theory would give Congress the same license to regulate what we do not do, fundamentally changing the relation between the citizen and the Federal Government.

This was the most important part of the ruling.  The biggest fear of the ACA was not the socialization of medicine–although that’s a legitimate fear–but the creeping expanse of federal power.  All lovers of freedom should cheer the now-grounded notion that the government at least does not have the power to compel the purchase of a product by a citizen–a truly frightening idea.

Now, this notion could have come across in a majority decision if Roberts had joined the court’s other conservatives in striking down the law.  But here Roberts played his hand very well.  It’s not just about legacy, although he was able to secure trust in the Supreme Court that will be invaluable when, for instance, the Court strikes down the next congressional Obamination.  It’s not a perfect result for conservatives, of course–we would have preferred the entire law struck down because it’s just bad policy–but it speaks to Roberts’ integrity that he is able to ground his opinion in conservative notions of Federalism and judicial restraint (a point made in the dissent as well: “For all these reasons, to say that the Individual Mandate merely imposes a tax is not to interpret the statute but to rewrite it”).  Most importantly, it allows Roberts to continue to guide the Roberts Court for the next couple years–and Roberts himself, whose tenure as Chief Justice will probably last for 30 more years, will certainly reap personal and judicial dividends from his leadership on this issue.

Remember:  Roberts did not endorse Obamacare today.  In fact, he all but calls it bad policy.  Quoth my friend in an email to me this morning:

By sustaining individual the mandate on the basis of Congress’s power to raise taxes, he punted Obamacare back to Congress and gave his permission for the GOP to call it a tax. This should be enough to make every Democratic incumbent cringe. Since inception, the President and the Democratic House leadership have been desperate to avoid calling a spade a spade: that the mandate was a new tax. Roberts prevented them from having their way and ultimately will let Congress decide whether to stay or repeal this new tax.

I am not nearly as upset now as I was when I first heard the decision.  This is not an ideal result for conservatives, but this is not a victory for liberals either.  For most liberals, that there are actual limits on what the Government has the power to do will be a tough pill to swallow.  As George Will writes, “People steeped in Congress’s culture of unbridled power find it incomprehensible that the Framers fashioned the Constitution as a bridle.”  Now that has changed.  And that is good news for lovers of freedom.

June 29, 20126 commentsRead More
Immigration Attacked from Both Sides

Immigration Attacked from Both Sides

Ignoring the fact that the decision was extremely political (let’s face it, what presidential decision isn’t?), the move made by the Obama Administration to stop the deportation of children of illegal immigrants is, in Obama’s words, “the right thing to do.”  Today’s decision solves an important problem that needed to be addressed.  Children of illegal immigrants occupy an awkward space between the illegal alien and naturalized citizen: after all, why should a child who committed no crime pay the price?  Critics of amnesty for “DREAM-ers” will say that giving amnesty to children up until the age of 16 will encourage more parents to bring their children here illegally, and give them more time to do so.  Is it true that this act will encourage more illegal immigration?  Probably–it is hard to see how it wouldn’t.  But decriminalizing marijuana might lead to more drug use and that doesn’t mean it’s the wrong thing to do either.

The greater problem in this controversy is the continued hatred of immigration in general from the xenophobic right, and the weak economic opposition put forward by the protectionist left.  As with so many things in our politics, the right and the left often find themselves strange bedfellows when it comes to questions of innovation and growth.

To the xenophobes, it cannot be emphasized enough that cliché assertion that we are a nation of immigrants.  Hearing the anti-immigration movement spew the same nonsense as the nativists and Know-Nothings of the past reveals a shameful part of our national discourse: a discourse that in countless ways has been built on oppression and exclusion.  As with all immigrants in our history, this latest wave faces opposition from an entrenched majority that believes they constitute the “real” American, even though the ancestors of these “real” Americans faced the same opposition on the same arguments.  In America, there should be no such thing as a foreigner, and yet, we find ourselves every generation with new definitions of foreign-ness to fall back on.  Since 9/11, our discourse has welcomed a new breed of foreigner, the Islamic fundamentalist, with all his attached stigma: terror, oppression of women, and anti-Christian theology.

Now, there is an economic argument, a weak one, against immigration, which the now-infamous Neil Munro heckled Obama with: “What about American workers who are unemployed while you employ foreigners?”  The first, easy response to this argument is that these children aren’t foreigners in anything but name.  If anything, a whole new generation of Americans has just been re-born in their own land.  But the second, economic response is that immigrants aren’t taking American jobs.  There are generally two kinds of immigrants: skilled immigrants who move to the US for a job (and thus are no different than economic migrants who move from state to state for a new job), and unskilled immigrants who come to the US in search of opportunity, safety, asylum or freedom.  Skilled immigrants are certainly not taking American jobs, and in many cases are the only qualified people to do those jobs.  One of my coworkers recently went through a 8 month visa approval process to move to the US to do his own job, and part of the process involved having to prove that he was the only one who could do his job (and not an American).  The logic is overwhelmingly bad.  If we could find someone else to do his job, we would have–it’s obviously cheaper and more efficient to hire someone in the same city and get them to work right away.  Skilled immigrants come to the US to fill holes in our labor market, which are holes created by our own protectionist policies and market inefficiencies–hardly an immigrant’s fault.

Unskilled immigrants, on the other hand, are a different story.  While it is true that immigrants who come to the US with no experience or no existing connections may very well be taking jobs that could be worked by Americans, the fact is that immigrants are often willing to work at a much lower wage than Americans, and undocumented immigrants of course are often willing to work at less than the legal minimum wage.  So a protectionist’s immediate response should not be to limit immigration, but to ask how Americans can compete for jobs in their own country, which of course entails repealing said minimum wage and let people work for the value of their work and not an inflated value that bars Americans from greater employment.  But that issue aside, the fact is that immigrants face natural barriers to employment (language, culture, experience) that native Americans do not face, and if employers are willing and able to legally employ these immigrants instead of Americans, that is, again, a problem with Americans: we lack, on the whole, a range of skills that we are either unwilling or unable to do.  Immigrants have no such prejudices.

Now, it is also the case that many immigrants cannot find employment in the workforce, which is why so many immigrants make a living for themselves by catering to other immigrants, creating new companies and new jobs.  These jobs benefit not just the largely new immigrant workforce (for instance, in Chinese restaurants), but provide a host of goods and services that Americans can buy at low prices–once again bringing the benefit of free markets to laborer and consumer alike.  Are these immigrants taking American jobs?  No, of course not.  If anything, they are creating new American jobs and Fortune 500 companies.  There is also a question of locale.  The idea that an immigrant busboy in Houston is stealing the job of a factory worker in Detroit is ludicrous, as are most ideas emanating from the protectionist left and xenophobic right.

Finally, Obama isn’t employing any foreigners while “Americans are unemployed.”  The whole free-markets thing makes it difficult for Obama to favor one worker over another.  The fact is that Americans are employing immigrants above Americans, and that should tell you just how valuable immigrants are to the economy, as a necessary population to supply needed skills and create innovation.  And if there need be any more proof, look to the people who are trying to build a ship off the coast of San Francisco in order to attract immigrants to our shores to start jobs, while trying to get around outdated immigration policies that threaten to stagnate our economy.

June 15, 20121 commentRead More
Updates from Africa 4

Updates from Africa 4

I spotted my first Obama shirt on a teenager in Gaborone, when we were leaving the national museum.  Gaborone is a very small city; the museum is the only real tourist attraction.  Most people check their bags at the door before they go in, in exchange for a claim check, but the woman didn’t give us claim checks because we were instantly recognizable, being the only whites in Gaborone.  Codrin claims there is a small Romanian population there, but we only saw two white women during our excursion to Gabane, and they were South African, so go figure.

Remember the night we arrived at the lodge in Gaborone the reception told us the room was 250?  Apparently he was on a different page as the owner, who told us when we were checking out that it should be 300 because there are three of us.  Not that we’d have a problem paying 300, but not when we were told 250.  We also had to pay for an additional night because we were leaving after checkout time, even though we were catching the night train.  We argued with the owner over the additional 100 pule, and she threatened to call the police on us.  Ioana stuck to her guns:  we were told 250, we’re paying 250. Fine, the woman says, pay 500 and get out.  No problem, we were leaving anyway.

This experience, in conjunction with the parliament building experience that morning, left us a little shaken, and I think we were all a little relieved to be leaving Gaborone.  It’s a city of only 200,000 people and we stick out like a sore thumb.  We had first class tickets to the train, so we got our own waiting room and a sleeper cabin, which made for a very nice night.

Codrin and Ioana are smokers.  They don’t smoke a lot, but they smoke enough that they need a cigarette, and they usually need one at the most inopportune times.  5 minutes before the train leaves?  That’s time for a smoke!  Bus stopped?  Smoke break!  We’re getting kicked out of the hotel?  How about one more smoke!  Border crossing? Perfect time to light up.  Smoking aside, the trip has been relatively bump free.

We got to the Francistown train station at 6 in the morning, and by 8:30 were on a coach bus to Maun (after Codrin and Ioana had to have one last smoke, of course).  It was supposed to be a 4 hour trip, we ended up pulling into Maun at 2pm.  There was a security checkpoint about an hour outside of town.  One major problem in Botswana right now is illegal Zimbabwean immigration; most Batswana attribute the Zimbabweans for the hike in crime in the past couple years, and increased exposure to disease.  Forcible removals of illegal, and legal, immigrants have been commonplace in Botswana.

I had an opportunity to pick up the Gaborone newspaper to read on the bus.  The biggest concern in Botswana right now is HIV/AIDS, which I wrote in a previous email has a 23% prevalence rate in Botswana.  This causes the life expectancy here to be a miserable 33 years, which is expected to drop to 27 years by 2010 if current trends persist.  I also wrote that Botswana seems to be tackling the problem head on, with everything from public service announcements to prosecutions of HIV-infectors–people who deliberately infect others with HIV.  One interesting segment on the paper was on the theatre and arts exhibition that had recently taken place, highlighting human rights abuses of Zimbabweans in light of the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  I didn’t know there was a theatre scene in Gaborone, it wasn’t in the guide books. One very interesting thing took me a couple times to notice: a proliferation of hardware stores in Gaborone (and, as we found, in the countryside as well).  The hardware store fills a very specific demographic need.  People who are truly “do-it-yourself” do everything themselves–they have no need of a store for parts of things to put together.  People who are very rich, on the other hand, can afford to have things done for them, from plumbing to building to tiling their bathroom.  For there to be so many hardware (and furniture) stores in Botswana suggests to me that there is a very specific and vibrant middle class here, which has enough money to afford to improve their homes, build, etc, and actually desires to do part of the assembly and work required, but doesn’t need to build everything from scratch.  I don’t think that class exists in many countries, especially in Africa.

Botswana is highly dependent on the diamond industry, which is starting to dry up after 30 years when the mines were first discovered.  Whether Botswana will be able to retain its economic growth in the years to come is uncertain.  Currently, Botswana is the safest country in Africa and has the stablest democracy, uninterrupted by coup since 1966.  As I wrote in an earlier email, the economic growth has been a steady 5% per year since 1970.  Should these trends continue, and if the fight against HIV is taken under control, Botswana seems to be the country to watch in the upcoming decade.

Now we’re in Maun, and we checked into a hotel near the bus station for one night, until we can find a better place to launch our safari through the delta.  Maun is the tourist capital of Botswana; it’s known for its tours through the fourth largest delta in the world, a rich environment filled with wildlife.

I’ve been in the internet cafe for 30 minutes and have seen more whites here than I’ve seen in all of Botswana so far; and what’s most interesting is most of them speak Tswana.  They’re locals.  One man I talked to originally came from Houston, but moved here 20 years ago and has lived here since, running a holding company for local businesses.  He has a young son who evidently was born here. One more anecdote:  when I gave my street name, Pequot, to the receptionist at the hotel, she asked me if I was from Connecticut.  Apparently, she worked at Foxwoods for a year to get her training for the hotel business.

Our plan is to stay in Maun so we can do an excursion into the delta. Then, we will try to get to Livingstone, from where we can go to Victoria Falls.  We’re a little behind due to our stay in Johannesburg but we’ll make it up; we have a bus to catch from Zimbabwe to Windhoek on the 23rd.

December 17, 2008Comments are DisabledRead More
Updates from Africa 2

Updates from Africa 2

at bus station in johannesburg, so much has happened i cant really explain.  this is a very different place

we are the most popular people in johannesburg because we’re the only non-South Africans here and we live next door to barack obama. everybody loves us.

its very weird going to the white mall and the black mall, and being directed to the white areas because we’re white and being told to avoid the black areas.  apartheid is over but its very much a part of life here.  the whites especially are scared about losing their property, their jobs, their admission chances at universities, to blacks, as we learned saturday night at a white bar built into a shopping mall. the waitress there, renata, said things that out of any american mouth would be unbelievably racist. but i dont think the concept of racism exists here. or, if it does, its a very different type of racism, like black racism toward whites in the united states. but its more than an awareness of race–everyone talks about it,all the time.

take the proprietors of the guest house we’re staying at.  very nice people.  sara is a mozambiquan portuaguese-speaking indian, and her husband is as well. they have an adorable 4-year-old daughter.  the second day we were here we told them that we had gone to a place called the Carlton Centre to shop that morning.  the husband told us we were silly to go there, it was too dangerous.  now, call me ignorant, but the Carlton Centre was a bright, modern shopping mall with a clean food court, thousands of shoppers and festive christmas lights adorning the escalators.  i didn’t feel the least bit out of place, let alone in danger.  i didn’t even feel like an outsider. well, apparently (i had to remember this because i didnt notice it at the time), Carlton is a black neighborhood and only blacks shop at that mall.  so we asked where we could go that day, and sara’s husband told us he’d drive us to a place called Eastgate.  so we got in the car with him and drove to Eastgate, and the first thing we noticed when we got inside was that EVERYONE was white.  he hadn’t said “i’ll take you to a white mall” but he had suggested it, even going so far as to tell us that we would “Feel more comfortable there with other white people.”  As it turns out, I felt weirder at Eastgate than I did at Carlton…it reminds me of the sixth sense;  ‘I see white people’

Sara had a friend from Brazil come over and the two of them and Codrin conversed in Portuguese for a while.  From what I understood of the conversation, at one point she complained about the Chinese being too…something, I don’t remember.  The openness with which she expressed racial discontent surprised me.

There is a 15-year-old boy at the guest house named Antonio, who is also Mozambiquan but is black.  He wakes up at 6 in the morning, prepares the rooms, sweeps the house, cleans the kitchen, opens and closes the gate (it always has to be locked from the inside), wakes up at 2 in the morning if need be to let guests in, helps with the construction outside (they’re building an extension with more rooms) and sleeps on a cot right outside the front door in case he’s needed. he does all this for a salary of 400 rand a month ($40).  Codrin tells us this is a good salary in South Africa–the average is R250–but Antonio, the nicest kid, seems to be working beyond his pay.  He has family back in Mozambique where he is sending his wages.  He only speaks Portuguese, but Codrin speaks it and Ioana and I only speak in cognates, but we manage to communicate.  He was thrilled listening to Rianna on Ioana’s iPod…he really is a sweet kid.  What’s sad is the way Sara’s husband treats him.  He was talking to Ioana, and Antonio walked in and Sara’s husband said “Antonio, you look uglier now that you’ve shaved your head”…and generally he treats Antonio like a servant or worse, a slave.  It’s quite sad but there’s nothing we can do about it but slip Antonio a generous tip, which we will.

Codrin and I went to the Emperor’s Palace casino on Friday night and played poker from 10pm to 3am, and blackjack until 7am.  Codrin lost about $300 and I made $160…I don’t think we’ll be going back any time soon.  It was a very lively casino, though, and a lot of fun. Poker players were terrible.

Ioana and I cooked dinner last night…sausages we bought at Eastgate and fried potatoes.  It was delicious.

The interesting thing about Johannesburg is that it’s not a tourist city, so everything here is built for and by the locals.  It gives Johannesburg authenticity that you don’t get when visiting most cities.  All the tourists go to Cape Town and Durban, and from what Renata tells us, most whites are trying to do everything to get out of Johannesburg because there are no jobs here for whites.  I think she exaggerates a bit when she says she thinks the country is going to way of Zimbabwe, but it will be interesting to see how the country unfolds.

But anyway, Johannesburg is a large, spread out urban sprawl with hundreds of neighboorhood districts—Kensington, Brumer, Hyde Park, etc–but no neighboorhoods.  Everyone stays in their complexes and doesn’t go out at night because it’s too dangerous. When they do go out they go to only one or two establishments that they know.  THere are no bar streets, no small neighborhoods with culture, no outdoor cafes, no markets.

The only thing we did find was a small Chinese neighboorhood about a kilometer from “Oriental Village”–an Asian-themed flee market where mainly whites shop.  We walked and found where the Chinese who work there actually live, which is a lively little neighborhood with restaurants, tea houses and local supermarkets.  We had to go out of our way to find it and I doubt any guide books direct people there.  I get the sense that neighborhoods like that are few and far between in Johannesburg.

I’m glad we were forced into staying another 3 days here.  It gave me a good idea of what South Africa is, how people feel about the country and eachother, and it will give me good perspective when we go to Cape Town, where a lot of these issues won’t be as prominent.

I switched keyboards halfway through this email, because the shift key was broken on the old one.  Not going to go back and edit.

We’re off to Gaborone in abuot an hour.  I’ll send another update when I can.

December 15, 2008Comments are DisabledRead More